|
ANARMA dispone de bufete jurídico, así como de peritos judiciales y otros profesionales, para defender ante la Administración todo lo referente a las armas y su entorno.
|
|
| Leer más... |
No has iniciado sesión
¿Desea contactar con nosotros? ¿Tiene alguna noticia que desearía ver publicada o alguna correción a las ya leídas?
Para cualquier asunto que precise, usted puede contactar con la Asociación Nacional del Arma de España en el correo electrónico Esta dirección de correo electrónico está protegida contra los robots de spam, necesita tener Javascript activado para poder verla
Si lo que desea comunicar es un problema con la web o los foros de charla, hágalo a la dirección Esta dirección de correo electrónico está protegida contra los robots de spam, necesita tener Javascript activado para poder verla
Estudios e Informes
Libro blanco sobre la reducción de armas de fuego | Libro blanco sobre la reducción de armas de fuego |
|
|
|
| jueves, 08 de mayo de 2008 | |
|
Excelente estudio sobre el control de armas y la reducción de su número, escrito por el Dr. Franz Császár, Profesor de Criminología en la facultad de Leyes, de la Universidad de Viena, Austria. Las conclusiones a las que llega no pueden ser más evidentes: El control para la reducción de armas en manos de civiles no tiene incidencia sobre el control de la delincuencia (1) There can be no doubt that the control of guns in order to reduce the number of civilian owned firearms in circulation has had altogether a very limited success. There exists an enormous stock of illegal guns all over the world. Demand, supply and distribution are constantly stimulated by ever present social disorder, armed conflicts and global migration. A very strong impetus on a world-wide scale is provided by the interrelations of the drugs and the arms markets. Most of the elements augmenting illegal gun business are outright criminal. This contrasts unfavourably with the fact that gun control almost exclusively can only be imposed on the law abiding part of the population. (2) The degree to which arms reduction in numbers can be achieved through the control of previously registered and legally owned guns can easily be counterbalanced by rather unpleasant or outright counterproductive side effects. The most important of these is the stimulation and enlargement of an illegal black market. This cannot seriously be disputed as it is well known from the consequences of other prohibitive measures. Moreover there is sufficient evidence for the possibility of increased criminal misuse of guns following a radical disarmament of legal gun owners, by giving violence-prone criminals an ever greater advantage. This is of course linked to the overall development of aggressive and predatory crime, which is quite likely in turn stimulated by rendering potential victims definitely helpless. (3) In this context there should also be noted that a reduction in the number of guns available is of no measurable influence on the incidence of other harmful events. An example is provided by the occurrence of suicides. It is already proven, that the availability of guns is not correlated with the frequency of suicides as a Dr. Franz Császár WFSA White Paper Page 22 whole.49 Furthermore, if guns are less available, there takes place a substitution effect. While gun-related suicides were reduced by Canada’s handgun ban of 1976, the overall suicide rate did not go down at all: The gun related suicides were replaced 100% by an increase in other types of suicide.50 These events and also gun-related accidents are extremely scare in comparison with the number of guns available and their occurrence depends on other causes. (4) Given the scarcity of state resources, gun control also has to be seen in terms of costs and benefits. The outcome of such an analysis is clear: Registration is not only costly, ineffective and achieves little, but diverts scarce resources away from other, more important duties. Therefor, police in general are not in favour of overly restrictive, let alone prohibitive gun control. The New Zealand government discontinued firearms registration in 1984 after the New Zealand police recommended it’s termination.51 The Canadian Police Association was at the brink of withdrawing it’s support of the firearms registration (C 68, Firearms Act of 1995) because of it’s serious shortcomings.52 At the height of the Austrian gun debate some two years ago leading police officials stated, that a then called-for prohibition of handguns would not only be senseless and a waste of time and money, but that it would be outright dangerous because of it’s impact on the black arms market.53 49 Japanese gun ownership is about 2% of the Australian level, but their suicide rate is almost double that of Australia and the US. Review of Firearms Statistics and Regulations in Selected Countries. Draft Document. Research, Statistics and Evauation directorate. Dept of Justice Canada. April 25, 1995, particulary table 1.1 . Cited after: James B. LAWSON supranote 9. Although legal gun ownership in Hungary is much more scarce than in Austria, the suicide rate in Hungary is very much higher. 50 “Howard’s Gun Ban. Buy-Back Analysis. Updated at Monday, October 20, 1997. Available at: http://ozemail.com.au/~confiles/buyback.html . 51 “Background to the Introduction of Firearms User Licensing Instead of Rifle and Shotgun Registration Under the Arms Act 1983” New Zealand National Police, cited after MAUSER supranote 20. S. W. WATERMAN: “Firearms – Is It a Police Responsibility?” Research Lecture Paper, Victoria Police College, Inspector’s Course NO. 51 – 1986. NEWGREEN (Chief Inspector and Register):Registration Firearms System CRB File 39-1-1385/84, available at http://www.ssanz.org.nz/articles/regex.htlm#step8 52 Resolution approved August 27, 1999, cited after SSAA Esta dirección de correo electrónico está protegida contra los robots de spam, necesita tener Javascript activado para poder verla . 53 Personal communications. Dr. Franz Császár WFSA White Paper Page 23 (5) Finally, coming down ever harder on legal gun ownership in order to achieve some degree of success is almost by necessity linked with severe erosion of civil rights. Although every single new restriction on the way towards ever stricter gun control might be viewed as small and reasonable, in total it will amount to a serious impairment of basic civil rights for everyone. The tenet that the law abiding has nothing to fear from the state holds no longer true against a growing tendency to view the very people as basically suspect. All these tendencies, which are growing in other fields than the issue of private gun ownership too, will on the long run destroy the very roots of a free and democratic society of reasonable and responsible citizens. This holds equally true for the sometimes openly admitted intent to use gun control for making grand symbolic gestures at the expense of the law abiding population. (6) Does all this mean that the state should abandon any efforts on gun control at all and leave things go their own way? Certainly not. It would be irresponsible to deny the benefits of minimising the access of risk populations to guns on the one hand, and to ensure and improve responsible gun ownership on the other hand. In that very basic meaning gun control makes sense and is necessary. While this may be correct in general terms, problems start as usually with the practical implementation of these principles. As a whole, gun control as a social enterprise offers no 100% solution, which yields only benefits. The central issue is not one of maximising one particular aspect (for instance "no guns in private hands") but to optimise the interdependence of all relevant factors, which very often are outright antagonistic. There is a law of diminishing returns also in gun control, once the optimum area has been left behind. In practice, the efficiency of gun control seems to be coupled with social acceptance. This basis has suffered from an ever faster succession of ever more restrictions, in most cases enacted under severe media pressure. Very often it is obvious that a new provision is far off the mark of a real problem, for instance when neglect in administrating existent laws is hidden behind new laws, or when a new law is called for before the latest law has even come into effect. Very often gun Dr. Franz Császár WFSA White Paper Page 24 owners feel completely misled by ever repeated promises that the newest restriction will also be the last one. As a consequence they tend to refuse compliance with further control measures as best as they can. This in turn is seen as proof for further legislative or administrative measures, following the erroneous principle of "more of the same". As social and legal conditions vary over a very broad spectrum there obviously can be no "one size fits all" way of gun control. Certainly it should not be founded on the assumption that "gun control will reduce the number of legal and illegal arms in circulation" as it's only credo. Vínculo al documento original: http://www.wfsa.net/adobe_documents/Csaszar.pdf Este documento está también disponble desde nuestro servidor para su descarga: Gun-control-and-reduction-FCsaszar.pdf |
| < Anterior | Siguiente > |
|---|